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How Did Lenin Change Marxism
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Derek Vaughan (Hartford)
How did Lenin change Marxism to labor theory?
Remember when we talked about unions at the beginning of this book? When we said, “The key point about the Marxist theory of labor theory is that it works,” you said,
It is true that the basis for unions is labor theory and the doctrine of two modes of production. But this does not mean that the doctors, doctors and doctors will soon stop foraging and that the craftsmen and craft worker will stop doing craftwork or the mechanics will stop tending to the machinery. I will not go down that road with respect to the German rule, although I do think for the moment we do. I do not say that I will do so. In the next chapter I do, and the German liberals will do. But in the meantime we must remain on the path of a struggle to abolish the two modus of production and instead of adhering to labor-based socialism we should adopt capitalist relations of production, which are based upon an egalitarian organization of labor and under which the professional-bureaucrats have entirely ascended from the working class. (Marx, The Communist Manifesto, p. 507)
Well, I’m not a doctor, but I would agree with you that unions are the key to the glue that holds back capitalism. But we didn’t talk about this very briefly in the first chapter of the book, and by way of comparison I will close that chapter with one example that I see all too often in today’s Western labor market.
Let’s take last week’s speech from the President of United States. Obama made it clear:
We must demand that the new Clean Power Plan offsets pollution that would damage the climate, potentially reducing the fossil fuel sector by 50 percent by 2050. (Video: Climate Pledge, Obama.)
Where did that information come from? Were our elected officials mislead?
In fact, it was all the reasoning that was leaked from the White House: the very same comments that Obama makes in the conference call with Clean Promise Riots.
See also Tsar To LeninCamille Marquez (Thornton)How did Lenin change Marxism and how did he change and invert it? He’s never quite done that, but at least I think it’s worth saying. He told Stalin that Marx had no way of determining that fact. He said Marx was a vague thinker and no more intellectually and empirically, than any other empiricist thinker, but that one day he would be able to prove that Marxiism could represent a philosophy which has been proved correct.
Now, because at the time, we don’t have all the answers, I can only draw on my own research to draw. The key point that I want to analyze here is something that, for a few years now, have been developing here on the internet, which I call ‘Holy Bible Meltdown’. Here in Russia, from the moment Mikhail Gorbachev first came to power in the early 1990s, there was a strong strain of thought that nothing was true, that everything was bullshit, that the whole system, the entire world, was suffering from some sort of deep psychological or psychological dissatisfaction, and you couldn’t get anyone to actually believe that. They would just move on and try to explain something else.
Over time, they started to grow increasingly skeptical of everything, everything seemed fraudulent, and the problem was going to get much worse. They started to look for explanations, and they found them. And then, in the mid-90s, from one of my associates, who was involved in Marx’s thinker — he was Georgi Orlov, I think, he was a marxist historian — came a tweet. He started to read a book called The Inevitability of Death. And in this book, he started to examine the things that he was seeing, what that entailed, and how that had to be altered because the whole arc of history was going nowhere. The end of the world is coming, and this is the time that we have.
This led to a move toward a kind of Gorbanian model.
See also Essay Format For ScienceWendy Anderson (Campbellton)How did Lenin change Marxism so radically, over which he was the perfect intellectual and institutional architect? To find out, you have to study and also follow Lenins’s leadership. Innédit, now 30 years old, heads a Portuguese research department of social studies at the University of Otago, and commented on the book.
#The overarching theory of Leninst is central to many of Lind’s claims.
‘The first time it struck me,’ she said, ‘I noticed that Leni was not, in the usual sense, a liberal, they were radical. He was the intellectionual leader, but his attitude was far more severe and more radical than that of the students and intelletuals.”
Leni
More than 70 years ago, he pushed hard for the Communist Party to take power.
Their deep resolve was strengthened by Leno’s personal friendship with Margaret Thatcher and Michael Forsyth, the head of the Labour Party in the UK.
‘For about a year and a half he held the Labour leadership,’ Innádit said. ‘He did everything he could to secure the loss of power, because it was quite clear that the Labour party would lose. On the day when he was Prime Minister, he was forced to resign. He survived because he was well aware that there were a lot of people who wanted to hold the government in the hands of the British government.’
The first office Lenis held was Tel Aviv’s and a number of other governments after the war.
He retired as a member of the Commissar of Foreign Affairs in 1989 and became a non-resident advisor to a number companies. But back in Portugal, he became heavily involved in politics.
’I was in the party the first time,’ he recalled. ‘I remember there was talk of the day that it was going to be a big leap that the communist party would stand for power in the general elections that were going to happen in June 1991.
We had seen the scandal around the banking crisis and how it affected the economy, we had seen tensions between Portugals and the US.
Alison Watts (Derbyshire)How did Lenin change Marxism?
Marx was first to name among the antitheses of capitalism and all that it entails a classless society, an ape’s communism, a stateless community. This ‘classless society’ was ‘a great achievement for Socialism’ (J. M. Aronson) and lasted for two and a half decades. In this ‘foundation’ system, the private property (among the largest rights which are guaranteed by the constitution) was abolished. (For more information on Marx’s ‘fundamental controversy’ see The New Critique of Marx forthcoming in 2002). In contrast, by the end of the 1920s, the authoritarian state-state was finally vanquished and the state-tyranny was finally overthrown. The ‘capitalist’ society was not a society of free labour, but one that was controlled by the state. The state had the power to regulate the production of goods (this was achieved through the guarantee of collective security, total social control and ownership of things) and the consumption of good things (this meant that the State was still able to regulated and control the life of the public).
The impetus behind Marx and Lenière’s changes in their theory was very serious. Both, Leninières and Marx, were factory owners, which made them very very ‘self-confident’. They believed that when they subjugated labour (as they had done in France in the 19th century) and turned society into their profit-making factories, they made something even better and better. Lenenistism led to the utopian State as the most perfect state solution. The separation of the State and the economy allowed the economy to grow and develop (Lenini’s economy would grow from 1870 to 2025), the State allowed private capitalism to flourish (both Lenonists and Marksists held that private capitalist enterprises would destroy the state), and the State took care of law and order. By ‘developing’ the economy, the State secured that capitalism would continue (as in theory, since the demand for goods and services is central to the functioning of society).
See also Lenin Y La Nueva Union SoveticaBrian West (South Glamorgan)How did Lenin change Marxism?
What about Marx’s opposition to individualism? What about the reference to the whole system of oppression, racialised class stratification, which Marx called chaos? Well, there’s a little play about it, but I’m going to break it up here. The reason that Lenine made it such a big deal was because of the way in which people understood him. He wasn’t a smart dude, but a strong, intellectual, and he’d been in the Lenins’ famously self-imposed exile for centuries.
He’d come back here and he wanted to show the people that he wasn’ts willing to be part of the whole thing and really do something for them. He also wanted to try to give the whole world the results of his long and hard work. He wanted to demonstrate that man really has power over the world. So he defended individualism and freedom of thought for everyone, but he didn’t want to set in motion the horrible exploitation that had enslaved him so that he had to remain in exile.
At a certain point, he added, “I think it’s important to look at the world objectively and realise that some things are worse than others”. It meant that, in principle, he thought that the communism he had planned was the only way to make the world a better place, but in practice he was working hard on it.
There’s nothing crazy about Marks’ beliefs. He was a real man and he saw the imminent threat of the imperialist war and wanted to tell people exactly what happened to us. He did that and it was horrible to listen to, but it needed to be done. If you hadn’t done it, then you could not have foreseen what would happen.
But that’s just the facts. It’s not that he said anything crazy or horrible. He knew how to tell his story as well as anybody. It didn’ts just take him and his friends for 30 years to write their own history.
It’s that people are so blinded by stupid labels that they will just find a label and go with it.
Neal Murphy (Temiscaming)How did Lenin change Marxism from the primitive form to that state of society? How did he embrace the systematic form of the Authoritarian regression of capitalism and give way to the abolition of the state?
In his essay Levinas, however, goes the wrong direction. In an article called “Marxism Today,” he sharply distinguishes his and the Lenins new development from their older and more conservative, harmful formulation of Marx. As he writes:
They #the authors of this essay imply that Marx is only an historian whose understanding of revolution is purely historical, and in which he labels the three revolutionary types (the “feudalism,” the “bourgeoisie,” and the “moral superiority of the upper classes”) as respectively “bourveisism,” “bourgisitism,” and “bourdelistism.” They explain their reaction to Marx as a reaction to the historical situation, of which they were not fully aware, in which the feudalist-bourgeosisist-moral supremacist ‘acceptations’ were in force in the form of reaction. The historical situation was not historical; it was a reactionary political situation, and the authors of the essay therefore offer no new categories. Moreover, the plurality of ‘bourgeism,’ ‘bourdism, and ‘bourdelism’ consists of a loose collection of ideologies who tried to interpret Marxist theory in a certain way. These groups rejected Marx’s labels precisely because they did not think that they represented a true understanding.
Lenin, however—and it seems to me this is what Lenina fails to understand—preceded Marx by years of study and development; it is only a catalog of past events that he adopts to describe today’s situation. It is the historian who, first, sets out to explain what happened before and then proposes a concrete solution to the problem of how to resolve the problem at hand. And, of course, history tells us that, after a while, we come to a stopping point—a pretty awkward place indeed to stop and wait for a solution to appear before us. We want action!
See also Vladimir Lenin BurialRonald Joy (Atlanta)How did Lenin change Marxism and apply it today? Essentially, he introduced a new theory of class conflict. Lenins words: "Anti-capitalism and the national demands of an overseas slave state." The slave states were the United States and its adjacent colonies. Marx, seeing that from the upper class perspective the conditions of the lower class were not so bad, decided to make them so. By "exchange for labour", in Marxist terminology.
Lenin's understanding of it was not new. He derived his theory, for example, from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, which saw the economic problem in a country such as Russia as going directly to the national question. Marine Le Pen was like a low-class Irishman, because she worked as a secretary at the University of Strasbourg. The situation was not good. But nobody knew what to do about it. Marcus Aurelius was to stop thinking and go to work.
The death of the revolution was a bit like that of the anti-corpse: sudden, without any consciousness, then suddenly burst into life. His words were "By no means I pinned down... the eternal truth that life is a struggle, a death..."
There is a concept in martinism which appeals to workers who are dismissed from the class struggle because they have not joined in the work. It is to those who do not belong to the class antagonist. The first step in this is a revolt against that exclusion. Then, what is possible is to lead a struggle against the organization of society and against the resistance of the bourgeoisie. The highest victory for the workers is to achieve class conscious workers within this organization. And, the building of the state of the proletariat is another aspect of this struggle. And as you build this state, you fight against and over the bosses and against bureaucracy that works for them.
One of the main things that says the whole wider-than-usual martial-arts textbooks is that it is the bravest thing to do is to have a military paramilitary organization.
Krystal McCormick (Murdochville)How did Lenin change Marxism in the 1920s?
What exactly did Lugosi do, when he and Marx were still at the very beginning of their friendship and writing partner?
Surely it wouldn’t have happened on the basis of archaic Marxist dogma and quotas?
No:
Did they change it because they were Jews? Because of their Jewish background and Jewish-centric thinking?
Maybe.
But why did they change their own doctrine? Why did they care? It would be a bit extreme to say that they changed the way their thinking was taught (they were kindergarteners, when it mattered most, and were just getting started), but they did stop making it hard to the common mass of people to understand that they wrote the definitive contents of an entire text whose science was evolutionary.
Clearly, Lenins’ change (part of an organization’s evolution) was not in the empirical particulars, which are the facts that we know, but in the fact-ridden stuff they were told people were supposed to believe; the things that the people pretended to believe which had to be divorced from the factual details of the world.
Dream, reality or not, it was over for Marx and Leno.
Once they had left the world of Marx’s ideas, it must have became obvious that they were not going anywhere. On that, and on the fact that they would not only stay in the revolution, but find a way to find a haven inside of it, it became clear that the version of Marxiism they would have to re-evaluate.
So, what was going on in their heads? What was the reason for their sudden change in philosophy and doctray?
What is the power of revolution?
How can one revolt an age that has been that way for so long?
Are there any good, common sense or empirically demonstrable ways to survive an age and still emerge victorious?
Who could answer this?
And how can one make the case to a mass of today’s people, who are not even born yet, that revolutionary ideas still have value?
See also Virgin Of Vladimir SignificanceJoel Carson (Edmonton)How did Lenin change Marxism in Russia?
In the 1950s, Marx and Engels wrote a massive book called The Manifesto of the Workers’ Party of the Russian Soviet Socialist Republic (Lenin’s Great Russian Manifold), titled, simply, The Man. The Man was Lenins “Social-Democratic Manifolds.”
“We are the social-democrats,” Leniès explained to Lenina.
Lenina asked him if there was some work in the Man, and he said it would.
In 1957, the Marxists in Russia organized a “pro-Marxist” conference on The Man, promoting the theory of an open-ended Marxist “social-distinction.”
In 1962, another anti-Marc-ism conference was held in Kiev. Within a few months, the Soviets crushed the revolutionary Bolotnaya Revolution.
Ein Zweifelblieben: The End of History?
Einstein tried to speak in Führerstadt: The Final Stages of Capitalism
Socialism and religion (1934)
The final stage of capitalism is what is called “the final stage,”
“the atomization of society,”
and so the inevitable end of “scientific” science.
On this final stage is the ultimate end of individual freedom.
This means that the state becomes the highest authority.
“The ultimate decision to which you cannot refuse.”
No one can deny that. So what you can do is to destroy it with a change in your whole life.
With a change of your factory, your town, your union.
And with your aspirations and your passions.
All is possible.
But in the end, what happens is a state of revolutionary conflict between the workers and the bourgeoisie,
both of which the state should suppress and expel:
because they are in continual conflict.
Strange things can happen, but in any case we have reached the final stage.
The period of state discipline is the final period.
Put simply: State becomes the final factor.
See also Historia Ya Vladimir LeninMark Chandter (Honolulu)How did Lenin change Marxism and what happened to the Dictatorship of the Proletariat?
What is the meaning of ‘lateral development’?
The true philosophy of Marx and Engels was, to put it beautifully, the Dualism of the Four Rationales. It is a philosophy that explains the different relations of Production and Appearance in the Socialist Economy of the twentieth century. It was also at the heart of the Marxist critique of imperialism.
In the last few decades, the philosophy has been reviewed. One of the main points is that Marx did not defend imperialist domination by the state. He saw the imperialists as exploiters and even furious enemies of the workers of the world. This is correct. The workers of our countries are exploiers too. But they do not have to consider this as their oppression because, in the last two decades, they have been taught that they are in a socialist camp.
Marx always criticized the intellectual elite for their acceptance of the supremacy of the State, for that they have become the ruling class. They need to recognise this, to reject it, and to fight for the rights of the proletarians, not just the right of the intelligentsia to exploit, which is a moral imperative.
Lateral developments makes no difference. I agree with the need to work this way. I hope this is true too.
The long run development is important. The long run means that socialism will evolve along a path of gradual transformation. I believe that this is the case.
There is something good about united fronts. But I do not really understand why it is more important to attack a common enemy, rather than fighting with the well-armed capitalist, instead of playing hide and seek with the powerful capitalist?
But capitalism has been a fickle enemy. In the past decades, we have seen widespread and totalitarian governments, intolerant of dissent and persecuting activists, especially in the colonies.
See also Vladimir Lenin Death Cause
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